The Videogate case, which outlines a carefully orchestrated mechanism of alleged corruption at the Presidential Palace, raises a series of critical questions and reasonable suspicions regarding the origin, methodology and real objectives of the operation. Questions arise, among other things, over who financed such a complex and highly costly operation, including the purchase of services from one of the most powerful international companies specialising in surveillance and intelligence. There are also questions as to whether the audiovisual material handed over to the Cypriot authorities is complete or the product of editing and manipulation, as well as why the attribution of responsibility appears selective.
Serious questions are also being raised about the role of the Israeli firm Black Cube, which, as revealed by Politis, is behind the controversial video, both in relation to how the audiovisual material was handled and delivered to the police and because of the apparent attempt to attribute the alleged corruption exclusively to Cyfield, leaving close associates of President Christodoulides out of the frame.
The video
On 08 January 2026, an eight‑minute video was uploaded to the social media platform X by an account named 'Emily Thompson' The video presented conversations concerning the financing of President Christodoulides’ 2023 election campaign, as well as references to mechanisms granting access to the Presidential Palace by individuals presented as prospective investors.
The video features former Energy Minister Giorgos Lakkotrypis, who had contacts with the alleged investors; the Director of the President’s Office, Charalambos Charalambous, who appeared willing to facilitate the investment; and the CEO of the Cyfield Group, Giorgos Chrysokhoos, whose company was the recipient of the €150 million investment, specifically for the group’s power generation plant in Vasiliko.
The resignations
The publication of the video triggered strong political reactions and led to the resignation of both Charalambos Charalambous and the First Lady, Philippa Karsera, from the presidency of the controversial Social Support Agency, which in the video appeared to be used for vote‑gathering purposes.
The Presidential Palace and those involved claimed that the video was “a product of fabrication, distortions and hybrid interference,” while also pointing out that it was no coincidence that its release coincided with Cyprus assuming the Presidency of the Council of the European Union.
The criminal investigator
On 13 January 2026, the Attorney General, Giorgos Savvides, appointed former judge Andreas Paschalides as criminal investigator, with a mandate “to assist the Police in carrying out their investigative duties regarding all issues related to the video.” Mr Paschalides was given a deadline of three months.
The first official briefing on the progress of the investigations was given on 6 April 2026 via a statement by Mr Paschalides. Two key developments were announced: first, the Attorney General approved an extension of the investigation until 6 June 2026; second, the original audiovisual material from which the eight‑minute video published on X was derived had been secured.
Black Cube
In its edition of 10 April 2026, Politis revealed that the company behind the contested video was Black Cube, internationally described as a “private Mossad,” founded in 2011 by “veterans of elite Israeli intelligence units,” as stated on its website.
What caused particular concern was that immediately after Politis’ report, Black Cube issued a statement confirming its involvement, declaring itself “proud” of its role in exposing “corruption cases by Cyfield in Cyprus.” The company further stated that it had “cooperated with the Cypriot authorities” and expressed confidence that the investigations “would lead to the truth and bring those responsible to justice.”
Shadows and doubts
The production of the eight‑minute video, which Black Cube itself described as exposing corruption by Cyfield, required a large‑scale operation involving the recording of at least 30 hours of audiovisual material and expenditure amounting to hundreds of thousands of euros. The alleged investors, who were Black Cube operatives, used cutting‑edge equipment, while their contacts with Giorgos Lakkotrypis took place over several months at luxury hotels and restaurants in Amsterdam and London, with all expenses covered. At the same time, Lakkotrypis received a monthly fee of €5,000 in his capacity as a consultant.
Based on the above, a series of critical questions naturally arise:
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Who in Cyprus has such strong financial capacity as to be able to purchase services from one of the world’s most powerful private intelligence and surveillance firms in order to target Cyfield?
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The scenario that this was the work of a competitor of Cyfield does not appear, at first glance, particularly convincing. In the road construction sector where Cyfield operates, an oligopolistic landscape has prevailed for years, in which major construction companies not only coexist but often cooperate. This is confirmed by data published annually by the Republic’s Accountant General on state payments. Similarly, in the real estate development sector, which is Cyfield’s other main area of activity, major Cypriot business groups already hold extensive project portfolios and costly developments, limiting incentives for such an extreme and expensive operation by a competitor.
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How is it possible that a company like Black Cube, which traditionally operates covertly through secret and specialised missions, would suddenly show such eagerness not only to hand over 30 hours of video recordings to the authorities but also to issue a statement openly naming Cyfield as the target?
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In its statement, Black Cube attributes the alleged corruption exclusively to Cyfield. Why does it attempt to absolve the President’s two associates of any responsibility, and whose interests does such selective targeting serve?
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How can it be known that Black Cube handed over all the audiovisual material from the illegal recordings and that no selective editing or montage took place in a way that incriminates Cyfield while exonerating the President’s associates?
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How did the police investigative team and the criminal investigator track down Black Cube? Was Mossad involved? Was there an agreement with close ally Benjamin Netanyahu?
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Was Cyfield really the target, or was it President Christodoulides himself? Coincidentally, just days after the video was handed over, Israeli billionaire Simon Aykut, convicted of unlawful appropriation of Greek Cypriot properties in the north and held in Central Prisons, was transferred to Israel to serve the remainder of his sentence. He possesses both the financial means and the access required to organise such an operation.
It is also recalled that approximately one year ago the Aykut family had publicly turned against President Christodoulides. During his official visit to Tel Aviv, the family filled the city’s billboards with the message “Cyprus is dangerous for Israelis,” accompanied by a photograph of President Christodoulides.
