One of the deepest anxieties on the Greek Cypriot side of the Cyprus problem is power-sharing. For years, leaders have insisted on the need for a ‘functional state,’ warning that if Turkish Cypriots are granted a veto in a settlement, federal decisions could grind to a halt whenever there are sharp disagreements on crucial issues. They often point back to 1963, when the veto was used over the state budget, as proof of the dangers. Indeed, the veto did create headaches, but it is also a tool that must be exercised with responsibility, not dismissed out of hand.
It should be noted that, back then, the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community and Vice President of the Republic, Dr. Fazıl Küçük, exercised the veto in reaction to the negative stance of the Greek Cypriot side on other issues, such as the non-implementation of the agreement on separate municipalities. Thus, serious pending issues undermined trust and bred suspicion during a difficult period.
Blaming the other side and questioning its motives is the easy way out. The real challenge -and real measure of maturity- is for each community to own up to its own share of responsibility and practice self-criticism. That is what reading history is meant to teach. But enough of the past, it is the present that now demands our attention.
In the UN Security Council resolutions, which the Greek Cypriot side cites to counter Ersin Tatar’s uncompromising position in favor of two states, the form of the Cyprus settlement is described and the framework is set out: a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality of the two communities.
Political equality is an issue that consistently preoccupies both sides in every round of negotiations, and it is one of the areas where the Greek Cypriot side is expected to make concessions, always with the prospect of securing trade-offs on issues such as security and guarantees.
Certainly, political equality does not mean numerical equality. Rather, it ensures that the smaller community has a role in decision-making. This is exactly what happens within the European Union, where smaller member states enjoy a right of veto so they can participate in decisions and ensure their positions are heard. This decision-making mechanism allows small states like Cyprus to negotiate with large states like Germany and co-decide regardless of population size.
Political equality is a fundamental principle in federal systems and international institutions such as the UN and the EU. Without it, larger entities would impose themselves on smaller ones. Cyprus would have no role or significance within the EU if this principle did not exist. Just as large European states have granted the right of veto to smaller states, the Greek Cypriot community must grant this right to the smaller Turkish Cypriot community within a reunified federal state. One cannot demand such rights for oneself while denying them to others.
The right of veto is not a weapon to paralyse the state, but a mechanism that forces consultation, negotiation, compromise, and joint decision-making. It demands dialogue, trust-building, and respect for the other side’s concerns. That, after all, is how democracy functions: by ensuring that power is shared, that decisions are inclusive, and that no one is shut out of the process.
