The past week has proven critical for the political future of Odysseas Michaelides and the newly formed ALMA movement, following a series of internal resignations, revealing statements by former close associates, and mounting allegations of undemocratic practices. Claims have also emerged that Michaelides personally directed Facebook attacks against journalists, putting his public image under serious strain.
Politis sources suggest that Michaelides provided material via WhatsApp to Andreas Chasopoulos, who then posted it on the controversial Facebook page 'Anti-Corruption Group.' Meanwhile, questions linger over anonymous members of ALMA’s transitional leadership and undisclosed financial backers funding the movement behind the scenes.
WhatsApp messages
The page 'Anti-Corruption Group,' managed by Andreas Chasopoulos -a former close associate of Michaelides - has stirred controversy in recent days. The issue resurfaced after Chasopoulos appeared on AlphaNews and was asked who was behind a specific post targeting a journalist. His cryptic response, “those who understand, understand,” was widely interpreted as implicating Michaelides.
Michaelides has publicly denied any involvement with the page. However, the Supreme Constitutional Court, in its ruling to dismiss him from the role of Auditor General, made explicit reference to it. The court noted that Michaelides' son and sister were contributors and described the page as a platform for daily “threatening, abusive, false, and misleading content.”
According to Politis, Michaelides sent materials via WhatsApp to Chasopoulos to post anonymously, often targeting those who criticised him during his tenure. In response, Michaelides told Politis:
“I never sent Andreas Chasopoulos material with the intention or instruction for him to post it. In fact, he has publicly stated the same. Regarding the post about Katia Savva, Mr. Chasopoulos clarified that his comment ‘those who understand, understand’ did not refer to me but to someone else.”
Opaque funding
Concerns also persist around the funding of the ALMA movement and how its operational expenses have been covered. ALMA currently leases office space in Nicosia and has purchased office equipment. It also paid the €2,000 party registration fee.
Politis sources state that this fee was paid by a businessman via cheque, while another, a UK-based Cypriot, reportedly covered the rent. Others allegedly supplied the office furnishings.
Michaelides confirmed to Politis that he personally paid the October rent and acknowledged that previous payments came from a specific businessman. He also confirmed that another entrepreneur funded the registration fee.
He added that no announcement was made as the party registration was only approved on Thursday, and a bank account was opened the following day.
Michaelides insisted that ALMA’s statute includes a clause on financial transparency:
“ALMA commits to publishing full financial disclosures every month so that there is absolute transparency and no room for doubt.”
He stated that the highest contribution received before the party's official registration was €6,000. Going forward, all donations above €500 will be disclosed monthly. As for the office equipment, he claimed the space was already furnished with two conference tables and desks - “the only things missing were chairs, some of which we purchased, while others brought plastic ones.”
Despite ALMA’s stated commitment to transparency, the lack of a proactive announcement on these matters has drawn criticism. Given that financial support was already being received, the movement arguably had a moral obligation to disclose it publicly from the outset.
Democracy deficit
This week also saw the resignation of Avraam Themistocleous from ALMA, citing, among other reasons, a “democracy deficit” in how the movement operates. One example he gave was the appointment of the eleven-member Transitional Executive Committee without any form of election.
Michaelides dismissed the criticism in remarks to CyBC, stating: “I selected ten other individuals to form the Transitional Executive Committee. It was my decision. It couldn’t have been done differently - there was no structure or membership base for elections.”
In explaining his logic, Michaelides referenced (incorrectly) the “egg of Columbus,” intending to illustrate the “chicken-or-egg” dilemma. He argued that a leadership team needed to be created before elections could be held, as ALMA was not yet an officially registered party able to admit members.
He further explained that the eleven-member committee invited citizens to co-sign the party registration application, thus legitimising its transitional role. “Those who signed understood that these eleven people would form the Transitional Executive Committee for 16 months.”
On the same CyBC programme, Michaelides referred to the 19 May press conference, stating: “There were 42 people present - nine on the panel and 33 in the audience - who expressed willingness to join the movement.”
However, he clarified that these individuals were not chosen to be part of any formal body. He added that the Executive Committee meets daily, votes on proposals, and keeps records: “So those claiming ALMA doesn’t operate democratically are entirely wrong and disconnected from reality.”
Absolute control or necessary structure?
Michaelides may believe criticism of ALMA’s structure is unfair, but the concerns raised shouldn’t be brushed aside. The 42 individuals present at the press conference could have been enough to initiate an electoral process for the transitional leadership. However, such a process might have threatened Michaelides’ grip on the movement and allowed independently minded individuals to gain influence.
Democratically elected members of a collective body tend to enjoy more independence than those appointed by a central figure, especially one who aspires to control a future political party.
Secret members of the leadership
Politis sources also suggest that more than eleven people participate in ALMA’s Transitional Executive Committee meetings, which are held daily via video conference. Three additional individuals are said to be involved, one of whom reportedly joins anonymously.
Speculation suggests this anonymous participant may be a relative of Michaelides, with the name being concealed to avoid accusations of nepotism.
In response, Michaelides told Politis that the party’s draft statute allows the leader to invite up to three individuals to attend meetings without voting rights, something he claims is “common practice.” However, he denied the claim that any participant joins the meetings without a visible name.
Still, there is a clear contradiction: Michaelides applies the party’s yet-to-be-approved statute when it suits him - for instance, when including unelected observers - but delays applying the transparency clause regarding financial disclosures until formal registration. This selective application of internal rules raises further questions about how ALMA operates and the intentions behind its leadership model.