AKEL is celebrating the 23.9% it secured in Sunday’s parliamentary elections and can justifiably count itself, alongside the Democratic Rally, among the winners of the contest. It not only defied polls that placed it below or barely above the psychological 20% threshold, but also managed to slightly increase its share of the vote (+1.4%) compared to 22.34% in the 2021 elections. It also regained the seat previously held by Irene Charalambidou, who moved to ALMA, allowing AKEL to retain its total of 15 seats.
Reversal
The result shows that AKEL continues to have deep social and local roots, in trade unions, municipalities, organisations and communities, which activate as election day approaches. It remains resilient and a key opposition force. Following a period of steady decline after the Christofias government, the party managed to reach the second round of the 2023 presidential election with Andreas Mavroyiannis, regaining some momentum. It can now claim that it stands firmly again.
AKEL avoided significant losses to newly formed parties led by Odysseas Michaelides and Fidias Panayiotou, as well as to Volt, which ultimately failed to enter parliament despite favourable polling. It increased its vote share compared to 2021, in a challenging political climate where voters appeared to turn away from traditional parties and towards new formations and so-called anti-system forces across the spectrum.
No to “saviours”
Stefanos Stefanou, who took over the party after the 2021 elections, can consider that he achieved his main strategic objective: keeping AKEL as the principal opposition force and preventing further fragmentation of the traditional party system. During the campaign, despite relatively high internal cohesion compared to other traditional political spaces, concerns persisted within the party leadership due to polling trends.
AKEL focused politically on social pressures arising from rising living costs, housing, inequality, pensions, energy issues, foreclosures and bank profits, and succeeded in turning public anger into support for established parties rather than for newcomers presenting themselves as “saviours.”
Reasons for success
The significance of the result also lies in the fact that AKEL achieved gains in what was theoretically a highly unfavourable electoral environment for traditional parties. The political atmosphere before the elections was marked by strong disillusionment with the party system, the rise of anti-system groups and a strengthening of the far right. Many analysts had expected stagnation or decline for AKEL.
Instead, the opposite occurred, mainly for four reasons. First, the party maintained high voter cohesion through the organised work of its cadres and structures in workplaces and communities. Second, the rise of the far right appears to have activated reflexes among progressive and centre-left voters, who may have considered abstention or support for smaller parties but ultimately returned to AKEL as a credible counterweight. Third, the near collapse of the centre ground benefited the party, with votes shifting from parties such as EDEK and the Greens that failed to secure representation. Finally, candidates were able to make more effective use of social media, adapting to the current digital political environment.
A stable pillar
The conclusion is that AKEL has managed to remain one of the two core pillars of the Cypriot political system, one of the few stable forces within a fragmented landscape and in a pre-election climate that was not favourable to traditional parties. In terms of political balance, the result allows AKEL to maintain a substantive role in the new House, both parliamentary and strategic.
